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In the past decades the concept of republicanism has become a commonplace theme in the writing of historians about the 19th-century working-class. It is now widely accepted that workingmen of this era drew upon the legacy of 17th and 18th-century republicanism of the revolutionary era to the Knights of Labor.
This essay argues that republicanism continues to be an important conceptual tool for making sense of the political thought of 19th-century working-class leaders. As the civic language of the nation's political system the republicanism established directions and set limits on worker's political initiatives. Nonetheless, the concept is in need of far greater historical specification if it is to continue to have utility for labor historians.
For some time labor historians have understood that artisans used the republican notion that civic virtue rested on personal independence to critique the workplace dependence characteristic of the emerging wage labor system. They have also demonstrated that artisans in the national period affirmed the commonwealth ideal of a nation-state that would promote balanced development and ward off internal and external threats to the public good. In making these points. however. labor historians may have slighted a different side to the libertarian heritage of independence and civic virtue. American workingmen of the mid-19th century inherited and affirmed a political vulture which feared a dependence and corruption emanating as much from a centralized mercantilist state as from the social relationship of wage-labor.
In these respects, main points of this essay can be summarized as follows. One is that reference by labor historians to an exploding ethnic diversity is not enough to explain the demise of America's first labor movement after the 1837-42 depression . Trade unions often could contain such diversity quite well. The fact that American republicanism as a unifying force outlasted the initial surge in immigration during the 1 B40s and 1850s also suggests that ethnic dissension was not by itself enough to undermine the political unity of the labor movement. The rise of a dual labor movement by the 1870s, however. suggests the utility of the concept of political culture. Such cultures, carried by different language groups, seem to have been the crucial definers of the way in which ethnic divisions were translated into labor politics by the time of the Gilded Age.
A further implications is that labor historians have misunderstood American workers' antistatist orientation as some kind of deficiency or limitation of consciousness. Actually, American workers commitment to the primacy of society-oriented movements. far from being retrogressive, was a flexible political principle, which sanctioned the use of positive government, not to obstruct but to socialize developing capitalism. In this vein workers advocate market regulation, subsidies for producers cooperatives. and public ownership or stringent regulation of natural monopolies like railroads.(Kongju National University)
This essay argues that republicanism continues to be an important conceptual tool for making sense of the political thought of 19th-century working-class leaders. As the civic language of the nation's political system the republicanism established directions and set limits on worker's political initiatives. Nonetheless, the concept is in need of far greater historical specification if it is to continue to have utility for labor historians.
For some time labor historians have understood that artisans used the republican notion that civic virtue rested on personal independence to critique the workplace dependence characteristic of the emerging wage labor system. They have also demonstrated that artisans in the national period affirmed the commonwealth ideal of a nation-state that would promote balanced development and ward off internal and external threats to the public good. In making these points. however. labor historians may have slighted a different side to the libertarian heritage of independence and civic virtue. American workingmen of the mid-19th century inherited and affirmed a political vulture which feared a dependence and corruption emanating as much from a centralized mercantilist state as from the social relationship of wage-labor.
In these respects, main points of this essay can be summarized as follows. One is that reference by labor historians to an exploding ethnic diversity is not enough to explain the demise of America's first labor movement after the 1837-42 depression . Trade unions often could contain such diversity quite well. The fact that American republicanism as a unifying force outlasted the initial surge in immigration during the 1 B40s and 1850s also suggests that ethnic dissension was not by itself enough to undermine the political unity of the labor movement. The rise of a dual labor movement by the 1870s, however. suggests the utility of the concept of political culture. Such cultures, carried by different language groups, seem to have been the crucial definers of the way in which ethnic divisions were translated into labor politics by the time of the Gilded Age.
A further implications is that labor historians have misunderstood American workers' antistatist orientation as some kind of deficiency or limitation of consciousness. Actually, American workers commitment to the primacy of society-oriented movements. far from being retrogressive, was a flexible political principle, which sanctioned the use of positive government, not to obstruct but to socialize developing capitalism. In this vein workers advocate market regulation, subsidies for producers cooperatives. and public ownership or stringent regulation of natural monopolies like railroads.(Kongju National University)
목차
Ⅰ. 머리말
Ⅱ. 사회적 및 생산자 공화주의; 조화와 긴장
Ⅲ. 공화주의와 자유주의의 결합
Ⅳ. 공화주의와 사회주의의 단절
Ⅴ. 맺는말
Abstract
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