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논문 기본 정보

자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
Hong-Keun Park (Yonsei University)
저널정보
한국언어학회 언어 언어 제35권 제1호
발행연도
2010.3
수록면
89 - 118 (30page)

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초록· 키워드

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This paper addresses the question of whether wh-phrases in Korean move at all. Movement to C domain and scrambling are the two cases to be considered. Developing on Chung’s (1996) proposal, I suggest that wh-phases in Korean not undergo movement to C domain, having their inherent formal feature [WH] licensed by the interrogative C (realized as Qu(estion)-marker), via (unselective) binding. Apparent island effects on adjunct wh-phrases are shown to be ascribed to a certain constraint that holds for movement to a discourse-functional projection relating to contrastivity. However, I argue against scrambling of wh-phrases qua information focus, an analysis whose empirical supports lie in the quantifier intervention effect and the so-called anti-superiority effect. I claim that these effects result from violation of independent conditions on quantifier chain formations (Aoun and Li 2003) and binding (relating to either weak crossover or unselective binding), under a reasonable assumption that some wh-phrases may have a quantificational feature [QN]. Thus, ex-situ occurrences of wh-phrases in Korean are only derived by the need to check off (or license) their discourse-functional roles other than information focus such as topic and contrastive focus.

목차

1. Introduction
2. Contents of Wharg-phrases and Their Licensing
3. Intervention Effects and Multiple Wh-interrogatives
4 Summary and Concluding Remarks
References

참고문헌 (42)

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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2014-700-003131944