지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
The objective of this study is to examine the accent and metrical structure of Sendai Japanese in the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2002).
Sendai Japanese is often called ‘accentless’ dialect, because there is no distinctive accent pattern in this dialect. But this does not mean there is no accent (pitch fall) in the dialect. When a lexical word is uttered in isolation, an accent appears in the dialect. This is because of the markedness constraint HaveAccent, which requires that every prosodic word has at least an accent.
Sendai Japanese accent has fixed location in prosodic words.: it appears on the penultimate mora in more than 1-mora words. To account for this penultimate accent, I adopt two well-known constraints NonFinality(μ") and Aligh-R, and proposes the ranking NonFinality(μ") ≫ Aligh-R. Aligh-R demands that any accent falls as far to the right as possible. Nevertheless, because NonFinality(μ") dominates Aligh-R in the dialect, the final accent is not allowed in more than 1-mora words.
Exceptionally an accent appears on the antepenultimate mora, when a coda obstruent is located on the penultimate mora in the dialect. To account for this phenomenon, I suggest a markedness constraint *μ "/Obstruent, which bans accented moraic obstruents. *μ"/Obstruent is more highly ranked than Aligh-R in the dialect, therefore when a coda obstruent is located on the penultimate mora, the accent does not appear on the penultimate mora, but on the antepenultimate mora.
Sendai Japanese is often called ‘accentless’ dialect, because there is no distinctive accent pattern in this dialect. But this does not mean there is no accent (pitch fall) in the dialect. When a lexical word is uttered in isolation, an accent appears in the dialect. This is because of the markedness constraint HaveAccent, which requires that every prosodic word has at least an accent.
Sendai Japanese accent has fixed location in prosodic words.: it appears on the penultimate mora in more than 1-mora words. To account for this penultimate accent, I adopt two well-known constraints NonFinality(μ") and Aligh-R, and proposes the ranking NonFinality(μ") ≫ Aligh-R. Aligh-R demands that any accent falls as far to the right as possible. Nevertheless, because NonFinality(μ") dominates Aligh-R in the dialect, the final accent is not allowed in more than 1-mora words.
Exceptionally an accent appears on the antepenultimate mora, when a coda obstruent is located on the penultimate mora in the dialect. To account for this phenomenon, I suggest a markedness constraint *μ "/Obstruent, which bans accented moraic obstruents. *μ"/Obstruent is more highly ranked than Aligh-R in the dialect, therefore when a coda obstruent is located on the penultimate mora, the accent does not appear on the penultimate mora, but on the antepenultimate mora.
목차
Abstract
1. 서론
2. 센다이방언의 악센트 체계
3. 최적성이론에 의한 분석
4. 결론
참고문헌
REFERENCES
참고문헌 (20)
참고문헌 신청
[단행본] - 秋永一枝 / 1998 / NHK 日本語発音アクセント辞典新版 / 日本放送出版協会 : 174 ~ 221
[단행본] - 金田一春彦 / 1957 / 現代国語学Ⅱ 言葉の体系 / 筑摩書房 : 67 ~ 94
[단행본] - 金田一春彦 / 1977 / 岩波講座日本語11方言 / 岩波書店 : 129 ~ 180
[학술지(정기간행물)] - 杉原満 / 2011 / 音声表現から見る共通語の韻律理論：『NHKアクセント辞典』改訂に向けて / 放送研究と調査 61 (4) : 76 ~ 90
[단행본] - 田中真一 / 2008 / リズム・アクセントの「ゆれ」と音韻・形態構造 / くろしお出版 : 121 ~
[단행본] - 金田一春彦 / 1957 / 現代国語学Ⅱ 言葉の体系 / 筑摩書房 : 67 ~ 94
[단행본] - 金田一春彦 / 1977 / 岩波講座日本語11方言 / 岩波書店 : 129 ~ 180
[학술지(정기간행물)] - 杉原満 / 2011 / 音声表現から見る共通語の韻律理論：『NHKアクセント辞典』改訂に向けて / 放送研究と調査 61 (4) : 76 ~ 90
[단행본] - 田中真一 / 2008 / リズム・アクセントの「ゆれ」と音韻・形態構造 / くろしお出版 : 121 ~
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2017-830-002213626