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초록· 키워드
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It is asserted in this paper that the EPP should be overtly satisfied in narrow syntax, in advance to sluicing. In a variety of West Germanic dialects--especially in Dutch, complementizer agreement (CA) and/or subject clitic (SC) (optionally) appear on the complementizer of embedded clauses. Arguing against Craenenbroeck (2004)'s idea that a subject, violating the EPP, is in its base position in Dutch sluicing construction, I claim that the absence of CA and SC endings in Dutch wh-sluices results from the blockage of the 'phonological' movement in Zwart (2001)'s sense. The reason why ∅-features of T are never manifested on C in sluicing construction is that sluicing itself bleeds the phonological counterpart of syntactic T-to-C movement. Then, what is redeemed in this construction is not EPP violation but non-application of phonological movement.
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참고문헌 (31)
참고문헌 신청
/ 1989 / One the position of inflection in West Germanic Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 44 : 75 ~ 88
/ 1993 / A minimalist program for linguistic theory The View from Building 20 (am)
/ 1993 / Clues from dialect syntax : 246 ~ 270
/ 1994 / Agreement in comp : 351 ~ 375
/ 1994 / Subject Agreement on Complementizers; A Reply to Shlonsky : 55 ~ 3 70
/ 1993 / A minimalist program for linguistic theory The View from Building 20 (am)
/ 1993 / Clues from dialect syntax : 246 ~ 270
/ 1994 / Agreement in comp : 351 ~ 375
/ 1994 / Subject Agreement on Complementizers; A Reply to Shlonsky : 55 ~ 3 70
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