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초록· 키워드
The present paper is concerned with the distribution of arguments across grammatical
roles with respect to their referential forms and degree of recency of mention in
spontaneous speech data from two German children aged 1;10, 2;5 and 3;0. The
investigation aims to show how these children uniformly follow the statistical patterns of
Preferred Argument Structure described by Du Bois (1987, 2003). Each main clause
having an overt verb that was used correctly with respect to transitivity has been
included in the analysis. The core arguments (i.e. subject and for transitive verbs, direct
object) of each of these verbs are coded ‘equational’, with core argument Se;
‘existential’, with core argument Sx; other intransitive, with core argument Si; and
transitive, with core arguments A and O. The data included a total of 605 clauses, of
which 50% were transitive, 7% equational, 11% existential, and 32% other intransitive.
Three types of referential forms are distinguished: ellipsis, pronouns, and lexical noun
phrases. All core arguments in the data that were codable as bearing A, O, or S
grammatical roles have been included in the analysis. Any referent that was not
mentioned previously during the recording session is coded as new.
Du Bois’s ‘One Lexical Argument Constraint’ is supported in German child language,
in that only 0,2% of all clauses have two lexical arguments. The ‘One New Argument
Constraint’ is also supported by German data. 0% of all clauses have two new
arguments. The German data is consistent with the pattern suggested by other languages
(Inuktitut child data 0,04%, 0% for Sakapulteko data (Allen&Schroder 2003:313)). Du
Bois’s ‘Non-Lexical A Constraint’ is supported by German child data since only 1% of
all arguments in the A role are lexical. We turn finally to the ‘Given A
Constraint’,which is also supported by German child data since only 2% of arguments
in A position represent new referents.
In sum, a fundamental relationship between referential form and information status is
clearly evident in speech of these German children, and is clearly linked to grammatical
role. Thus the two German children in this study exhibit Preferred argument Structure at
a very early stage of acquisition. The data presented here add information to the
growing body of research on Preferred Argument Structure in early child language.
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