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1980년대 지역무크지의 문학/문화운동 연구 본 연구는 1980년대 활발히 간행되던 지역무크지의 독해를 통해 1980년대 문학 연구에서 지역 문학이 차지했던 의미를 민중·민족문학 담론과의 관계성 속에서 파악해 보고자 한다. 지역무크지의 세부를 살피는 독해를 통해 각 지 역의 문학적 지향점과 이것이 민중·민족문학과 길항관계를 이루는 모습 역시 조망할 필요가 있다고 보았다. 1980년 5·18을 시작으로 문학은 지속적으로 현실에 참여하고 있었다. 민주주 의에의 열망 속에서 문학은 그 주체로서 현실을 살아가는 민중들을 호명하고, 민중이 주체가 되는 민족 문학을 구상하였다. 새로운 문학의 의미를 물으며 시작된 1980년대는 실천과 민중, 그리고 다양성과 운동성이 키워드였다고 볼 수 있다. 이러한 1980년대의 다양성과 운동성을 지닌 문학의 새로운 매체가 무크였고, 특히 지역무크지를 통해 지역이 새롭게 재발견되기 시작하면서, 민중이 실재 하는 곳으로, 민족 문학을 이루는 단위의 장소로 문학장에서 자리매김을 하였 다. 본 논문에서 지역무크지의 독해를 통해 지역의 문화운동과 문학운동에 대해 고찰하였다. 먼저 각 지역무크지를 통해 추동되었던 지역문화의 양상을 살폈 다. 지역 문화운동은 문화운동의 지역적 발현이라는 측면에서 1980년대의 문 화운동의 한 현상이었다. 이는 1980년 광주 5·18항쟁을 기점으로 지역에서의 문화운동의 필요성을 절감하게 되면서 주목되었다. 지역 문화운동은 지역 운 동의 한 측면에서 살펴볼 수 있기도 한데, 한반도에서 발생하는 민족모순이 결국 주변부로 인식되었던 지역에서 첨예하게 발생하고 있었으며, 민족적 모 순을 고스란히 지역에서 받아안고 있었다는 인식을 통해 지역 문화운동으로 각 지역의 모순을 파악하고 각자의 지역에서 능동적으로 극복해 나가면서 민 족의 보편적 모순을 극복하는 단계로 수렴되기를 기대하기도 했다. 지역에서의 문화운동의 양상은 지역출판운동을 매개로 진행되었으며 지역 무크지 역시 출판문화운동의 한 양상이기도 했다. 언론과 출판이 권력에 의해 통제되던 당시, 출판사 역시 언론과 출판의 자유를 위한 투쟁에 참여해야 했 으며, 사회과학 서적, 이념 서적 등 당대 합법화되기 어려운 서적들을 출판하 면서 정치사회적 변화에 민감하게 반응했다. 1980년대의 출판 문화운동은 지역출판의 영역에서도 ‘운동’의 성격으로 나타 났다. 서울지역의 출판 운동이 이념적이고 체제 저항적인 성격이 강했다면 지 역의 출판운동은 지역의 자생적이고 능동적인 문화 활동을 전달하고 유통할 수 수 있는 매체가 필요하다는 인식이 함께했다. 언론 매체와 출판사들이 신 군부에 의해 강력하게 통제되면서 왜곡되지 않은 진실에 대한 민중들의 요구 가 높아짐에 따라 이에 합당한 매체의 중요성이 부각 되었고, 광주에서의 경 험을 통해 진실 보도에 대한 탄압의 현장을 생생하게 목격했기에 더더욱 민중 과 지역의 자기 매체의 필요성을 절감했던 것이다. 이에 지역 문화운동을 견 인할 수 있는 자기 매체는 굉장히 중요한 문제였고, 지역무크지 출판의 계기 역시 이와 같은 이유가 크게 작용했다고 볼 수 있다. 지역 문화운동의 견인차로서 지역무크지는 지역의 문화를 생성하고 개발하는 일과 지역 민중에 대한 이해, 지역 민중사 정리와 지역 특수성에 따른 주된 측면과 부차적 측면의 구별을 통한 분화와 전문화, 그에 따른 형식의 개발이 그 과제로 제시되었다. 여기에 지역출판 운동에는 어떻게 지역성이 담긴 출판 물을 간행 할 것인가에 대한 고민이 담겨 있어야 했다. 이에 각 지역의 무크 지에서는 먼저 지역의 현황, 지역 전통과 민속문화에 대한 이해를 위한 작업 을 시도하였다. 또한 민중사 중심으로 지역사를 다시 쓰거나 복원하는 자 작 업을 통해 새로운 지역의 정체성을 구축하는 방향으로 나아가기도 하였다. 지역무크지에 수록된 지역 문화운동과 관련된 글들을 통해 지역문화의 기초 를 이루는 지역 전통과 민속문화를 소개하고, 전통과 민속의 현재적 재창조로 이어가고자 하는 기획과, 지역의 현재 현황에 대한 객관적 분석, 역사를 통해 지역의 정체성을 새로이 구축하는 방법으로 표출되었다. 지역무크지는 지역문화운동을 견인하는 매체이면서 또한 문학으로서 지역문 학과 당대 주류 담론이었던 민중·민족문학과의 관계를 통해 문학적 지향을 구 축하였다. 민중이 주체가 되는 민족문학을 구축하던 문학장에서 지역은 민중 이 실재하는 장소로, 민중 현실을 문학적으로 더 정치하게 구현할 수 있는 문 학적 장소로서 파악되었다. 농민의 현장을 그리고, 노동자들의 삶이 문학으로 형상화 될 수 있는 곳이 바로 지역이었던 것이다. 부산의 경우 민족문학을 이해하는 방식이 조금 특별했는데, 지역문학을 정의 할 때, 지방인으로서 서울에 대한 콤플렉스를 지적하며, 민족문학담론을 ‘서울 지방문학’이라는 표현하였으며 민족문학이라는 담론을 “창비학교”와 “문지학 교”의 영향을 받은 것이라며, 민족문학 대신 ‘한국문학’이라는 표현을 사용하 기도 하면서 서울과 지역의 다름을 각별히 의식했던 것을 볼 수 있었다. 규모 로 제2의 도시의 위상을 갖춘 부산에서 그에 따르지 못하는 문학, 문단과 문 예활동의 규모에 대한 자기반성과 이에 새로운 부산만의 문학과 문단을 구축 하고자 했던 시도로 보였다. 지역의 주체적인 문학을 추동하고자 했던 지역무 크지는 그렇게 지역 주체를 인식하면서 민족 문학을 구축해 가거나 절연을 통 한 지역의 문학을 구축해 가는 등 다소 다른 양상을 보이기도 했으나, 후반으 로 갈수록 민족문학이라는 문학적 지향점으로 수렴되어 가고 있었다. 민족문학의 총체성을 형성해 가는 구체화로서 지역 문학은 지역의 노동자 작 가를 발굴하여 작품을 창작하고 소개하는 등의 문학적 노정을 이어가며, 한편 지역 민중들의 수기를 통해 절실한 민중들의 삶을 형상화하고자 하였다. 진실 한 삶의 현장을 취재하는 르포 역시 지역의 현실을 생생하게 보여주는 역할로 서 지역 문학운동에 참여하고 있었다. 농민들에 의해 창작된 공동창작농민시 의 실험이나 투쟁의 현장에서 이루어지는 문학교실과 이를 통한 노동자들의 문학적 결과물들 역시 지역 문학운동의 실험과 실천으로서 자리하고 있었다. 또한 1980년대 지역에서 체감하는 5·18의 문제를 시와 극의 문학적 표출을 통해 살펴볼 수 있었다. 5·18에 관한 공식적인 발언이 가능해졌던 것은 8년이 나 지난 후엔 1988년, 국회에서 5·18에 관해 진상조사특별위원회가 구성되고 청문회가 개최된 이후부터였다. 5·18에 관한 모든 이야기는 금기이자 ‘유언비 어’로 통용되었던 당시, 지역무크지에서는 시와 소설, 극에 이르기까지 다양한 방법으로 5·18의 상황을 재현하고, 항쟁을 겪었던 이들의 내면을 그리고, 또 희생자들을 위로하며 남은 자들에 대한 위로를 전했다. 이러한 점에서 지역무 크지의 5·18문학의 가치는 특별하다고 본다. 1980년대는 지역무크지를 통해 지역이 문학적, 문화적 주체로서 등장하는 계 기를 마련했다. 그러나 지역은 엄밀히 말하면 우연히 어느 순간 불쑥 ‘발견’된 것이라고 볼 수 없다. 지역에서 주체적인 문화를 이끌어갈 문화의 인적, 물적 준비가 이미 이전부터 태동하고 있었던 것이다. 독재정권에 의해 모든 것을 통제되던 당시, 지역에서는 정치뿐 아니라 모든 문화와 예술이 서울을 중심으 로 집중화되어 있는 불평등한 구조를 의식하게 된 것이다. 근대성의 문제점이 노출되면서 로컬리티가 인식되기 시작했던 것처럼, 지역 은 새로운 의미 창출의 장으로서 인식될 수 있었다. 가치의 재편 과정에서 지 역을 새롭게 사유하기 시작했던 것이다. 그러나 이러한 지역의 발견은 다시금 1987년을 전후로 사그라지는 모습을 보였다. 이러한 상황은 다시금 1980년대 의 무크지, 지역무크지의 의미를 되새기게 한다. 역으로 지역무크지는 정말로 1980년대에 한시적으로 분출되던 지극히 1980년대적 현상으로서 파악되기도 하지만, 이것은 소멸이라기보다 (문학장의) 시야에서 사라진 것으로 보는 편이 좋을 것 같다. 지역문화를 견인하고자 했던 지역의 진보적 맥은 여전히 각 지 역에서 활발히 이어져 오고 있는 것을 확인할 수 있기 때문이다.
This study attempts to grasp the meaning of local literature in literature research in the 1980s in relation to the discourse of Minjung(“common people”) and Minjok(nation) literature through the reading of local mook that were actively published in the 1980s. Through reading that examines the details of local mook, it was also necessary to look at the literary orientation of each region and the way it forms an antagonistic relationship with ‘Minjung and Minjok literature’. Starting with 5·18 in 1980, literature continued to participate in reality. In the aspiration for democracy, literature called the people living in reality as its subject and conceived a ‘Minkok literature’ in which the people were the subject. In the 1980s, which began by asking for the meaning of new literature, practice and people, diversity and mobility were key words. In the 1980s, a new medium of literature with diversity and mobility was mook, and especially as the region began to be rediscovered through local mook, it established itself as a place where people exist and as a unit place that constitutes ‘Minjok literature’.
In this paper, the local cultural movement and literary movement were considered through the reading of local mook. First, we looked at the aspects of local culture that were driven by each local mook. In terms of the regional manifestation of the cultural movement, the local cultural movement was a phenomenon of the cultural movement in the 1980s. Starting with the 5·18 in Gwangju in 1980, it attracted attention as the necessity of cultural movements in the local was desperately felt. Local cultural movements can be seen from one aspect of local movements. National contradictions occurring on the Korean Peninsula were eventually occurring sharply in areas that were recognized as the periphery. Through the recognition that national contradictions were received in the same region, it was expected that they would grasp the contradictions of each region through local cultural movements, and at the same time actively overcome them in each region, to converge to the stage of overcoming the universal contradictions of the nation.
The aspect of the cultural movement in the local was carried out through the local publishing movement. Local mooks were also an aspect of the publishing culture movement. At the time when the press and publishing were controlled by power, publishers also had to participate in the struggle for freedom of speech and publishing, and they reacted sensitively to political and social changes by publishing books that were difficult to legalize at that time, such as social science books and ideological books. The publishing culture movement of the 1980s also appeared as a ''movement'' in the field of local publishing. While the publishing movement in Seoul was ideological and system-resistant, there was a recognition that the publishing movement in other regions needed a medium that could deliver and distribute local self-sustaining and active cultural activities. As the media and publishers were strongly controlled by the new military, the importance of the appropriate media emerged as the people''s demand for the truth increased. The public felt the need for the people and local media even more because they vividly witnessed the scene of oppression of truth reporting through their experience in Gwangju. Accordingly, the self-media that could lead the local cultural movement was a very important issue. For this reason, the publication of local mook was required.
As a driving force for the local cultural movement, local mooks were assigned the following tasks. Creation and development of local culture, understanding of local people, differentiation and specialization through the arrangement of local people''s history and the distinction between the main and secondary aspects according to local specificity, and the development of its forms accordingly. In addition, the local publishing movement had to contain concerns about how to publish publications containing locality. Accordingly, the mooks of each region first attempted to work to understand the current status of the region, local traditions, and folk culture. In addition, through the work of rewriting or restoring local history, centering on the people''s history, the direction of building a new local identity was also made. It was expressed as a way to introduce local traditions and folk cultures that form the basis of local culture through articles related to local cultural movements, plan to continue with the present reinvention of traditions and folklore, objectively analyze the current status of the region, and establish a new local identity through history.
Local mook established a literary orientation through the relationship between local literature and ‘Minjung and Minjok literature’, which was the mainstream discourse of the time as a medium driving the local cultural movement. In the literary field, where the people were the main body of ‘Minjok literature’, the region was identified as a place where the people actually existed, and as a literary place where the people''s reality could be realized, including politics. The region was the place where the farmers'' field and the lives of workers could be embodied in literature.
In the case of Busan, the way of understanding ‘Minjok literature’ was a little special. When defining local literature, the Busan literary circles pointed out the complex about Seoul as a local and expressed the ‘Minjok literature’ discourse as ''Seoul local literature''. The discourse of ‘Minjok literature’ was considered to be influenced by "Changbi School" and "Moonji School", and the expression ''Korean literature'' was used instead of national literature. This was a special consideration of the difference between Seoul and the region. Although it was Busan with the status of the second city in Korea, it seemed to be an attempt to build Busan''s own literature, the literary world and literature with self-reflection on the scale of literature and literary activities that were not appropriate. Local mook, which wanted to pursue local independent literature, built ‘Minjok literature’ while recognizing the local subject, and built local literature through insulation, but in the second half, it converged to the literary direction of ‘Minjok literature’.
The embodied local literature, which forms the totality of Minjok literature, continued its literary journey of discovering local worker writers, creating and introducing works. In addition, it tried to embody the lives of the people in dire need through the handwriting of the local people. Reportage Literature, which covers the field of true life, was also participating in the local literary movement by vividly showing the reality of the region. Co-creative peasant poetry experiment created by farmers or literature classes held at the site of struggle and the literary results of workers through this were also positioned as experiments and practices of the local literary movement.
In addition, the problems of 5·18 felt in the region in the 1980s could be examined through the literary expression of poetry and drama. It was eight years later in 1988 that an official statement on 5·18 was made possible after the National Assembly formed a special committee on fact-finding and held a hearing on 5·18. At the time when all stories about 5·18 were taboo and used as "courtesy," local mook reproduced the situation of 5·18 in a variety of ways, including poetry, novels, and plays, depicted the inner world of those who suffered the uprising, comforted the victims, and conveyed their comfort to the rest of the people. In this respect, the value of 5·18 literature in local mook magazines are considered special.
The 1980s provided an opportunity for the region to emerge as a literary and cultural subject through local mook. However, strictly speaking, the region cannot be seen as being suddenly ''discovered'' at some point by accident. The preparation of the human and material of culture to lead the independent culture in the region was already in place from before. At the time when everything was controlled by the dictatorship, not only politics but also all cultures and arts were concentrated around Seoul, and the unequal structure became conscious. As the problem of modernity was exposed, locality began to be recognized. At the same time, the region could be recognized as a place to create new meaning. In the process of reorganizing values, new thinking about regions began. However, the discoveries of these regions decreased again around 1987. This situation reminds us of the meaning of the mook and local mook of the 1980s. Conversely, local mook is sometimes identified as a phenomenon of the 1980s that erupted temporarily in the 1980s, but it would be better to see it as fading from the perspective (of the literary field) rather than extinction. This is because it can be seen that the progressive trend of the region that tried to drive the local culture has still been actively continued in each region.
This study attempts to grasp the meaning of local literature in literature research in the 1980s in relation to the discourse of Minjung(“common people”) and Minjok(nation) literature through the reading of local mook that were actively published in the 1980s. Through reading that examines the details of local mook, it was also necessary to look at the literary orientation of each region and the way it forms an antagonistic relationship with ‘Minjung and Minjok literature’. Starting with 5·18 in 1980, literature continued to participate in reality. In the aspiration for democracy, literature called the people living in reality as its subject and conceived a ‘Minkok literature’ in which the people were the subject. In the 1980s, which began by asking for the meaning of new literature, practice and people, diversity and mobility were key words. In the 1980s, a new medium of literature with diversity and mobility was mook, and especially as the region began to be rediscovered through local mook, it established itself as a place where people exist and as a unit place that constitutes ‘Minjok literature’.
In this paper, the local cultural movement and literary movement were considered through the reading of local mook. First, we looked at the aspects of local culture that were driven by each local mook. In terms of the regional manifestation of the cultural movement, the local cultural movement was a phenomenon of the cultural movement in the 1980s. Starting with the 5·18 in Gwangju in 1980, it attracted attention as the necessity of cultural movements in the local was desperately felt. Local cultural movements can be seen from one aspect of local movements. National contradictions occurring on the Korean Peninsula were eventually occurring sharply in areas that were recognized as the periphery. Through the recognition that national contradictions were received in the same region, it was expected that they would grasp the contradictions of each region through local cultural movements, and at the same time actively overcome them in each region, to converge to the stage of overcoming the universal contradictions of the nation.
The aspect of the cultural movement in the local was carried out through the local publishing movement. Local mooks were also an aspect of the publishing culture movement. At the time when the press and publishing were controlled by power, publishers also had to participate in the struggle for freedom of speech and publishing, and they reacted sensitively to political and social changes by publishing books that were difficult to legalize at that time, such as social science books and ideological books. The publishing culture movement of the 1980s also appeared as a ''movement'' in the field of local publishing. While the publishing movement in Seoul was ideological and system-resistant, there was a recognition that the publishing movement in other regions needed a medium that could deliver and distribute local self-sustaining and active cultural activities. As the media and publishers were strongly controlled by the new military, the importance of the appropriate media emerged as the people''s demand for the truth increased. The public felt the need for the people and local media even more because they vividly witnessed the scene of oppression of truth reporting through their experience in Gwangju. Accordingly, the self-media that could lead the local cultural movement was a very important issue. For this reason, the publication of local mook was required.
As a driving force for the local cultural movement, local mooks were assigned the following tasks. Creation and development of local culture, understanding of local people, differentiation and specialization through the arrangement of local people''s history and the distinction between the main and secondary aspects according to local specificity, and the development of its forms accordingly. In addition, the local publishing movement had to contain concerns about how to publish publications containing locality. Accordingly, the mooks of each region first attempted to work to understand the current status of the region, local traditions, and folk culture. In addition, through the work of rewriting or restoring local history, centering on the people''s history, the direction of building a new local identity was also made. It was expressed as a way to introduce local traditions and folk cultures that form the basis of local culture through articles related to local cultural movements, plan to continue with the present reinvention of traditions and folklore, objectively analyze the current status of the region, and establish a new local identity through history.
Local mook established a literary orientation through the relationship between local literature and ‘Minjung and Minjok literature’, which was the mainstream discourse of the time as a medium driving the local cultural movement. In the literary field, where the people were the main body of ‘Minjok literature’, the region was identified as a place where the people actually existed, and as a literary place where the people''s reality could be realized, including politics. The region was the place where the farmers'' field and the lives of workers could be embodied in literature.
In the case of Busan, the way of understanding ‘Minjok literature’ was a little special. When defining local literature, the Busan literary circles pointed out the complex about Seoul as a local and expressed the ‘Minjok literature’ discourse as ''Seoul local literature''. The discourse of ‘Minjok literature’ was considered to be influenced by "Changbi School" and "Moonji School", and the expression ''Korean literature'' was used instead of national literature. This was a special consideration of the difference between Seoul and the region. Although it was Busan with the status of the second city in Korea, it seemed to be an attempt to build Busan''s own literature, the literary world and literature with self-reflection on the scale of literature and literary activities that were not appropriate. Local mook, which wanted to pursue local independent literature, built ‘Minjok literature’ while recognizing the local subject, and built local literature through insulation, but in the second half, it converged to the literary direction of ‘Minjok literature’.
The embodied local literature, which forms the totality of Minjok literature, continued its literary journey of discovering local worker writers, creating and introducing works. In addition, it tried to embody the lives of the people in dire need through the handwriting of the local people. Reportage Literature, which covers the field of true life, was also participating in the local literary movement by vividly showing the reality of the region. Co-creative peasant poetry experiment created by farmers or literature classes held at the site of struggle and the literary results of workers through this were also positioned as experiments and practices of the local literary movement.
In addition, the problems of 5·18 felt in the region in the 1980s could be examined through the literary expression of poetry and drama. It was eight years later in 1988 that an official statement on 5·18 was made possible after the National Assembly formed a special committee on fact-finding and held a hearing on 5·18. At the time when all stories about 5·18 were taboo and used as "courtesy," local mook reproduced the situation of 5·18 in a variety of ways, including poetry, novels, and plays, depicted the inner world of those who suffered the uprising, comforted the victims, and conveyed their comfort to the rest of the people. In this respect, the value of 5·18 literature in local mook magazines are considered special.
The 1980s provided an opportunity for the region to emerge as a literary and cultural subject through local mook. However, strictly speaking, the region cannot be seen as being suddenly ''discovered'' at some point by accident. The preparation of the human and material of culture to lead the independent culture in the region was already in place from before. At the time when everything was controlled by the dictatorship, not only politics but also all cultures and arts were concentrated around Seoul, and the unequal structure became conscious. As the problem of modernity was exposed, locality began to be recognized. At the same time, the region could be recognized as a place to create new meaning. In the process of reorganizing values, new thinking about regions began. However, the discoveries of these regions decreased again around 1987. This situation reminds us of the meaning of the mook and local mook of the 1980s. Conversely, local mook is sometimes identified as a phenomenon of the 1980s that erupted temporarily in the 1980s, but it would be better to see it as fading from the perspective (of the literary field) rather than extinction. This is because it can be seen that the progressive trend of the region that tried to drive the local culture has still been actively continued in each region.
목차
- Ⅰ. 서론 11. 문제 제기 및 연구의 목적 12. 선행연구 검토 143. 연구 범위 및 방법 231) 연구 범위 232) 연구 방법 42Ⅱ. 지역 문화운동과 지역 문학운동 541. 지역 문화운동과 지역무크지 541) 사회 변혁운동의 분야로서의 지역 문화운동의 중요성 542) 지역출판 운동과 지역무크지의 발행 633) 지역무크지에 나타난 문화운동의 양상 672. 민족문학 담론과 지역 문학운동의 위상 911) 민족문학의 총체를 이루는 지역 문학운동 912) 서울 중심의 문학 권력과의 길항 관계 96Ⅲ. 지역 문학운동의 주체와 실천 1041. 지역 문학의 모범과 문학적 지향점의 설정 1042. 농민 삶과 농촌 현장의 재현 1201) 가족애와 건강한 농촌의 일상 1212) 농촌 문제를 진단하는 농민의 목소리 1253.노동 현실의 고발과 노동자 삶의 재현 1301) 노동자 작가의 발굴과 1980년대 초기 노동소설의 등장 1302) 문학 교실을 통한 ‘여공’들의 글쓰기와 수기 1353) 노조 투쟁기를 통한 노동 현실의 고발 145Ⅳ. 지역무크지에 나타난 문학의 정치성 1511. 농민시의 새로운 가능성의 탐색 1512. 민주주의에 대한 열망과 ‘5.18문학'' 1581) 분단의식과 민주주의를 향한 열망 1592) 5.18의 재현과 위안의 ‘오월시’ 1633) 5.18항쟁기의 문화운동과 ‘오월극’ 1703. 마당극과 생활연극의 실험 1761) 현장 문화운동의 실천 : 학교 생활극과 농풀이 1762) 시와 극의 만남 : 새로운 마당극 창작 실험 182Ⅴ. 결론 192참고문헌 199ABSTRACT 205
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