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In this paper, we will discuss that the MERGE-based system in Chomsky (2017) and Chomsky et. al. (2019) can explain various linguistic phenomena, following Goto & Ishii‘s (2019) analysis. Chomsky (2017) and Chomsky et. al. (2019) suggest that if the two identical copies in workspace (WS) are accessible to MERGE, then a Determinacy violation occurs when MERGE picks up one of the two identical copies from WS for further operations. However, we will point out that Chomsky’s (2017) proposal does not successfully explain the superiority effect, wh-island effect, and superraising effect. In an attempt to deal with the problem, we will propose that Determinacy Principle can be extended to the level of features as well as the level of categories. Given this, we will show that our proposal can successfully account for the superiority effect, wh-island effect, and superraising effect.
목차
Ⅰ. Introduction
Ⅱ. Theory of the MERGE-Based System
Ⅲ. Determinacy and Ambiguous Rule Application Problem
Ⅳ. Explanatory Power of Determinacy
Ⅴ. Conclusion
Works Cited
참고문헌 (23)
참고문헌 신청
Belletti, Andriana / 1988 / Unaccusatives as Case Assigners / Linguistic Inquiry 19:1~34
Boeckx, Cedric / 2012 / Syntactic Islands / Cambridge University Press
Bošković, Želko / 2016 / On the Timing of Labeling: Deducing Comp-trace Effects, the Subject Condition, the Adjunct Condition, and Tucking In from Labeling / The Linguistic Review 33(1):17~66
Chomsky, Noam / 1981 / Lectures on Government and Binding / Foris
Chomsky, Noam / 1995 / The Minimalist Program / Cambridge
Boeckx, Cedric / 2012 / Syntactic Islands / Cambridge University Press
Bošković, Želko / 2016 / On the Timing of Labeling: Deducing Comp-trace Effects, the Subject Condition, the Adjunct Condition, and Tucking In from Labeling / The Linguistic Review 33(1):17~66
Chomsky, Noam / 1981 / Lectures on Government and Binding / Foris
Chomsky, Noam / 1995 / The Minimalist Program / Cambridge
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2019-840-000960822