지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
논문 기본 정보
- 자료유형
- 학술저널
- 저자정보
- 발행연도
- 2020.9
- 수록면
- 287 - 311 (25page)
- DOI
- 10.46694/JSS.2020.01.35.3.287
이용수
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
In November 2019, President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe proceeded with negotiations after agreeing to accelerate negotiations on a peace treaty centered on the 1956 Joint Declaration between Russia and Japan.
However, President Putin is in a position to have to discuss now about the Island will be placed under whose sovereignty because the joint declaration only mentions the return of Shikotan and Habomai Island after the conclusion of the peace treaty. However, Japan takes the return of the island including sovereignty, as a matter of course. Regarding such a position of Japan, Russia is not only able to maintain its sovereignty, but it is difficult for even Russia to return to the island because of military security reasons.
Such a negative position can be summarized in two ways. First, the US-Japan alliance is an obstacle to negotiations on the conclusion of a peace treaty between Russia and Japan. It is a security anxiety perception that returning the sovereignty to the two islands may damage the military security balance in Northeast Asia.
Second, in the conflicting composition between US and Russia, the security situation in Northeast Asia, such as the construction of US missile defense systems and the placement of medium-range missiles in Japan and South Korea, is also having an adverse effect on the progress of territorial issues. Ultimately, in order to conclude a peace treaty that is acceptable to all, a friendly environment and conditions must be created in terms of security.
Putin and other Russian officials have consistently argued that returning the island would threaten Russia"s security if U.S. troops attempted to station it under the Japan-US Security Treaty. Russia cannot accept such a situation. It is highly likely that negotiations on the conclusion of a peace treaty between the two countries will be prolonged due to the raising of Russian security issues.
Looking at territorial issues in the future, when President Putin visited Japan in December 2016, the project was implemented by joint economic activities on the four islands agreed by the leaders of the two countries and the expansion of travel of former islanders without visa on the northern four islands. While embodying it, it seems that Japan will prioritize the utilization of the four islands that have the same effects as those actually returned. These activities also show a difference in the position between Russia, which has a position to be activated under Russia"s sovereignty, and Japan, which is trying to promote joint projects under a special system. I think it will be difficult to stimulate joint economic activities.
In summary, Russia seems to have not abandoned its sovereignty over the four conflict islands in a situation where security concerns cannot be dispelled. So if Japan does not change its basic position on concluding a peace treaty, the peace treaty conclusion negotiations between Russian and Japan is likely to be stagnated in the maintaining their position for a long time.
However, President Putin is in a position to have to discuss now about the Island will be placed under whose sovereignty because the joint declaration only mentions the return of Shikotan and Habomai Island after the conclusion of the peace treaty. However, Japan takes the return of the island including sovereignty, as a matter of course. Regarding such a position of Japan, Russia is not only able to maintain its sovereignty, but it is difficult for even Russia to return to the island because of military security reasons.
Such a negative position can be summarized in two ways. First, the US-Japan alliance is an obstacle to negotiations on the conclusion of a peace treaty between Russia and Japan. It is a security anxiety perception that returning the sovereignty to the two islands may damage the military security balance in Northeast Asia.
Second, in the conflicting composition between US and Russia, the security situation in Northeast Asia, such as the construction of US missile defense systems and the placement of medium-range missiles in Japan and South Korea, is also having an adverse effect on the progress of territorial issues. Ultimately, in order to conclude a peace treaty that is acceptable to all, a friendly environment and conditions must be created in terms of security.
Putin and other Russian officials have consistently argued that returning the island would threaten Russia"s security if U.S. troops attempted to station it under the Japan-US Security Treaty. Russia cannot accept such a situation. It is highly likely that negotiations on the conclusion of a peace treaty between the two countries will be prolonged due to the raising of Russian security issues.
Looking at territorial issues in the future, when President Putin visited Japan in December 2016, the project was implemented by joint economic activities on the four islands agreed by the leaders of the two countries and the expansion of travel of former islanders without visa on the northern four islands. While embodying it, it seems that Japan will prioritize the utilization of the four islands that have the same effects as those actually returned. These activities also show a difference in the position between Russia, which has a position to be activated under Russia"s sovereignty, and Japan, which is trying to promote joint projects under a special system. I think it will be difficult to stimulate joint economic activities.
In summary, Russia seems to have not abandoned its sovereignty over the four conflict islands in a situation where security concerns cannot be dispelled. So if Japan does not change its basic position on concluding a peace treaty, the peace treaty conclusion negotiations between Russian and Japan is likely to be stagnated in the maintaining their position for a long time.
목차
Ⅰ. 서론
Ⅱ. 군사안보적인 측면에서 쿠릴제도(일본: 쿠릴열도)의 중요성
Ⅲ. 푸틴시대 2도 인도를 둘러싼 러시아의 군사안보적 대응
Ⅳ. 결론
참고문헌
Abstract
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2020-349-001297805