모리야는 조선 재임 시절에는 조선 총독의 ‘문고리 권력’으로 막강한 권력을 행사했고, 1924년 조선을 떠났어도 조선에 남아 있던 ‘내무성 인맥’과 동북지역 인맥을 배경으로 조선에 영향력을 미쳤다. 중의원 의원이 되고 나서도 자신의 정치단체인 대일본소화연맹의 조선지부를 설치하여 정치자금을 조달하고 지지세력을 규합하는 데 이용하였다. 모리야는 전관 변호사로서 자신의 ‘조선인맥’을 이용하여 조선에서 굵직한 사건을맡았고 재조일본인과 조선인 유력자들의 식민지 로비(colonial lobby)의 창구 역할을 수행하는 등 조선사회와 조선 현안에 깊숙이 관여하였다. 본 논문에서는 정우회 시절 모리야가 관여한 조선산업사건, 함흥수력전기 설립, 조선토목담합사건, 나진토지수용문제 등을 사례로 식민지 정치가 작동하는 방식을 구명해 보았다.
모리야는 전관 변호사로서 재판 중에 재판관들과 사전에 접촉하거나 조선총독, 총리, 제1당인 정우회를 동원하여 조선산업사건, 조선토목담합사건 등의 재판을 의뢰자에게유리하게 이끌었다. 토지를 갈취당한 조선인들을 외면한 아쿠쓰 재판 변론을 통해서 변호사로서의 명성을 얻었을 뿐 아니라 중의원 의원 사무실 유지비도 마련할 수 있었다.
재조일본인 유력자의 이해를 대변하면서 이들로부터 정치자금을 조달했던 것이다.
한편, 함흥수력전기 설립이나 나진지토지수용문제 등와 같은 조선 이권사업에도 적극적으로 개입하였다. 이 과정에서 조선총독부, 만철, 지방정부 등과 접촉하여 광범위한 로비를 벌였다. 비록 지역 주민들의 격렬한 반대로 좌절되었지만 함흥수력전기 설립을 위한 모리야의 ‘식민지 로비’는 ‘정경관(政經官) 유착’을 통한 ‘식민지 개발’의 전형적인 사례라고 볼 수 있다.
Moriya Eihu exerted very strong power as the ‘doorknob power’ of the governor of Chosen during his term of office in Chosen, and continued to have an influence on Chosen with the ‘personal connections of the Governor-General of Chosen’ and those of the northeast area remaining in Japan as his background, even after he had left Chosen in 1924. Even after he became a member of House of Representatives, he raised funds for the war and rallied its supporting forces by establishing a Chosen branch of Dainihonsyouwarenmei, his own political organization. Using his ‘personal connections with Chosen people’ as a former lawyer, he took charge of big cases in Chosen, and got deeply involved in Chosen society and pending issues of Chosen by playing a role of window of the colonial lobby between Japanese in Chosen and influential people of Chosen. In this paper, the cases that Moriy was concerned with in his Jungwoohoe days, such as the case of Chosen industry, the establishment of Hamheung hydroelectricity, the Chosen civil engineering collusion case, and the matter of accepting Najin land, were used to examine the ways in which colonial politics operated.
As a former colonial officer, Moriy made trials of the Chosen industry case, the Chosen civil engineering collusion case and others advantageous to his clients by contacting judges in advance or by mobilizing the Chosen governor, the prime minister, and the first political party, Jeongwoohoe, during the trials. Through his defense in the Akutsu trial where he turned away from the Chosen people whose land had been taken away, he not only earned a reputation as a lawyer, but also could finance his office as a member of House of Representatives. He raised funds by speaking for the influential Japanese in Chosen. In addition, he was also actively involved in the business of interest including the establishment of Hamheung hydroelectricity or the matter of accepting Najin land. In this process, he contacted the Japanese Government-General of Chosen, Mantetsu, local governments and others and lobbied them widely. His ‘colonial lobby’ for the establishment of Hamheung hydroelectricity can be said to be the typical case of ‘colonial development’ through ‘the corrupt relationship among government, business and offices' although it was dashed because of local residents’ fierce opposition.