이 글은 『備陽六郡志』(1770)를 비롯해 오늘날 廣島縣의 향토사료에 반영된 조선후기 통신사와 福山藩 문사의 문화교류를 살핀 것이다. 조선후기 통신사에 대한 福山藩의 접대장소는 韜浦의 福禪寺였다. 특히 객관인 對潮樓는 빼어난 경관으로 통신사와 福山藩 문사가 필담창화를 즐기는 문화교류의 공간이었다. 辛卯통신사(1711)에서는 이방언이 상경길에 ‘日東第一形勝’이란 글씨를 남겼고, 귀로에 세 사신이 시를 지어 절의 승려에게 선물하였다. 하지만 통신사와 지역 문사 간 교류는 그리 활성화되지 않았다. 己亥통신사(1719)에서는 福山藩儒 伊藤長英이 신유한 · 성몽량과 필담창화를 했고, 성몽량은 필담을 통해 伊藤仁齋의 『童子問』을 요청해 얻었다. 필담창화를 통한 문사교류가 본격화되고, 일본 서적이 통신사를 통해 조선에 유입되는 과정을 자세하게 반영하고 있다. 丁卯통신사(1747)에서는 福山藩儒 伊藤輝祖가 조선의 네 문사와 만났다. 이봉환은 『童子問』이 조선의 학자에게 칭찬을 받는다고 대답하면서 『論語古義』를 비롯한 伊藤仁齋의 다른 책을 더 얻었다. 그리고 조선의 문사 9인이 시를, 홍경해는 ‘對潮樓’라는 글씨를, 김계승은 ‘心光山’이라는 글씨를 남기는 등 다양한 문화교류 활동이 펼쳐졌다. 癸未통신사(1763)에서는 岡藩儒 柴山寬猛이 조선 문사와 시를 주고받고, 남옥이 蕉中和尙을 對潮樓에 빗대어 ‘일본 제일의 고승’으로 칭찬하였다. 이밖에도 향토사료는 조선전기 최초의 통신사(1428) 박서생이 지은 시의 배경이 福山藩의 韜浦이며, 통신사 단절 이후에도 福山藩 문사들은 여전히 對潮樓에 올라 통신사의 시에 차운하는 전통을 이어가고 있음을 보여주고 있다. 이처럼 福山藩의 향토사료는 사행록과 필담창화집을 통해서는 알 수 없었던 통신사와 福山藩 문사의 문화교류를 지역민의 입장에서 구체적으로 기술하고 있는 귀중한 자료이다.
This article reviewed cultural exchanges between Tongshinsa of the late Chosun Dynasty and writers in Fukuyamahan reflected in the folklore materials of Hiroshima. The folklore materials such as ‘Biyangyuggunji’(1770), ‘Seobimyeonggu’(1804), ‘Bogsanjilyo’(1809), ‘Binamji-myeongseung’(1915), etc. were used as textbooks. First, we examined the background of writer exchanges between the two countries. The reception area of Fukuyamahan for Tongshinsa of the late Chosun Dynasty was Bokseonsa at Dopo. Particularly, in case of the guest house, Daejolu with outstanding scenery, it became a cultural exchange place where the writers of Tongshinsa and Fukuyamahan socialized and enjoyed exchanging poems and writings together. Second, we looked at Sinmyo-Tongshinsa (1711). Lee, Bang-eon visited Daejolu on his way to Seoul and left the handwriting, The most scenic place in Japan, and on the way back home, three envoys made poems and presented them to the monk. The exchange between Tongshinsa and local writers was not active yet. Third, we explored Gihae-Tongshinsa(1719). A writer in Fukuyamahan, Ideung-Jangyeong, exchanged poems and writings with Shin, Yu-han and Seong, Mong-Ryang. Specially, they asked and answered each other’s interests by 8 items. In that process, Dongjamun written by Ideung-Injae was able to be introduced to the Chosun Dynasty by the request of Seong, Mong--Ryang through Tongshinsa. It showed that writer exchanges hit its stride through exchanging poems and writings and cultural exchanges, such as introduction of Japanese books into the Chosun Dynasty, had taken place in a variety of ways. Fourth, we studied Jeongmyo-Tongshinsa(1747). Ideung-Hwijo, son of Ideung-Jangyeong, met four writers of the Chosun Dynasty and exchanged poems. Lee, Bong-hwan told Ideung-Hwijo that Dongjamun had been praised by Chosun scholars and he were presented more books of Ideung-Injae. Further, nine writers of the Chosun Dynasty left poems, Hong, Gyeong-hae left his handwriting, Daejolu, and Kim, Gye-seung left the handwriting, Simgwangsan. Fifth, we investigated Gyemi-Tongshinsa(1763). A Confucian scholar, Sisan-Gwanmaeng exchanged poems with writers of the Chosun Dynasty and Nam-og compared the Buddhist monk, Cho-jung to Daejolu to praise him as the greatest monk of Japan. Sixth, we examined before and after Tongshinsa in the late Chosun Dynasty. The folklore materials showed that the background of the poem, written by Park, Seo-saeng who was the first Tongshinsa in the early Chosun Dynasty, was Dopo in Fukuyamahan, and even after Tongshinsa was stopped, the writers of Fukuyamahan still visited Daejolu and showed that they were continuing the tradition of writing poems using the cadences of poems of Tongshinsa. As such, The folklore materials of Fukuyamahan shall be considered as valuable materials as they kept a record of the cultural exchange aspects between Tongshinsa and writers in Fukuyamahan, which were hardly seen in Sahaenglok, from the perspective of the local people.