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This paper revisits the issue of when re-binding in cases of VP ellipsis in English is degraded, and a new analysis is given that revises the proposal in Hardt (2006) in order to account for the claim made in Takahashi and Fox (2005) that focus plays a role in allowing for re-binding. Although focus plays a role, it appears to do so only when certain conditions are met. A new generalization is proposed according to which the potential of focus to allow for re-binding is crucially limited by (among other factors) whether the focus is on a potential binder of an elided pronoun. An updated version of Hardt’s proposal is given that captures this generalization.
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참고문헌 (14)
참고문헌 신청
Elliott, Patrick D. / 2014 / The sticky reading: VP ellipsis without parallel binding / Proceedings of SALT 24:640~655
Fiengo, Robert / 1994 / Indices and Identity / MIT Press
Fox, Danny / 2000 / Economy and Semantic Interpretation / MIT Press
Griffiths, James / 2018 / Beyond MaxElide: An investigation of A’-movement from elided phrases
Hardt, Daniel / 2006 / Re-binding and the derivation of parallelism domains / Proceedings of the Thirty-Second Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society :143~155
Fiengo, Robert / 1994 / Indices and Identity / MIT Press
Fox, Danny / 2000 / Economy and Semantic Interpretation / MIT Press
Griffiths, James / 2018 / Beyond MaxElide: An investigation of A’-movement from elided phrases
Hardt, Daniel / 2006 / Re-binding and the derivation of parallelism domains / Proceedings of the Thirty-Second Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society :143~155
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