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This paper is an attempt to explain a seemingly complex cross linguistic effect of dative intervention with special reference to raising. Languages vary in allowing raising across a dative element in the same context. English and Spanish occupies the extremes in terms of the dative intervention effect on raising. English allows raising over a full NP, a pronoun, and an A'-trace, while Spanish does not allow such a raising at all. Some previous approaches turn out to be operative only on some set of data but to fail on the other. A solution is proposed in terms of the division of labor between Match and Agree. To be concrete, raising over a dative experiencer is allowed if the movement is done solely under Match; the same raising is not allowed if the movement is done under Match and Agree. Without Agree, there is no Dative Intervention Effect guaranteed by definition. With this division, various cross-linguistic data are explained in a simpler way. In addition, the suggestion gets support from the object honorification phenomena in Japanese and in Korean.
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참고문헌 (19)
참고문헌 신청
/ 1991 / and the nature of the derivation : 209 ~ 238
/ 1999 / Multiple spell-out and PF adjacency 29 : 293 ~ 306
/ 2000 / Investigations of covert phrase movement
/ 2000 / Minimalist inquiries-The framework:Step by step-Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik : 89 ~ 115
/ 2000a / University of Maryland
/ 1999 / Multiple spell-out and PF adjacency 29 : 293 ~ 306
/ 2000 / Investigations of covert phrase movement
/ 2000 / Minimalist inquiries-The framework:Step by step-Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik : 89 ~ 115
/ 2000a / University of Maryland
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