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논문 기본 정보
- 자료유형
- 연구보고서
- 저자정보
- 발행연도
- 2006.12
- 수록면
- 15 - 231 (218page)
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초록· 키워드
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This study examines the trend of official statistics for crimes committed by public officials during the past four decades. It extends the 1999 study on public official crimes by analyzing more recent data consisting of official statistics during Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun administrations. Official crime statistics analyzed in this study reflect not only the amount of crimes committed by public officials but also the outcome of crime control activities by state apparatuses.
Results from the analyses suggest that public official crimes increased dramatically during the first or second year after new presidents were elected. In particular, it was during Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung administrations that showed an explosion of official crime rates among public officials, which is comparable to a substantially lower rate of crime during Roh Moo-hyun and other administrations in the 1980s. On the other hand, statistics for disciplinary actions against public officials were disproportionately higher during Park Chung-hee administration in the 1970s than other eras.
A comparison of crime rates between central and local governments revealed that crime rates of local government officials are generally higher than those of central government. One important finding is that crime rates of central government officials increased dramatically during the Kim Young-sam administration in the early 1990s whereas the late 1990s witnessed an explosion of crime rates among local government officials. This trend suggests that the severe punishment of public official crimes targeted central government officials during the early stage of anti-corruption campaign in the early 1990's and the increase of local government's autonomy and power due to the development of localization process resulted an increased level of crime opportunities and thereby crime rates among local government officials in the late 1990s.
Public official crime rates by ranks were also found very different between central and local governments. Among public officials in the central government, lower rank officials tend to commit more crimes, while a disproportionately higher crime rates were found among mid-rank local government officials. In a nutshell, central government officials are less likely to be crime-prone than local government officials.
Policy implications of the findings are suggested. If official crime statistics reflect the discretionary power of power elites and criminal justice authorities, that may imply dangers of abuse of the criminal justice system. This may be considered as a form of political corruption. It is suggested that an effective way of systemizing and mobilizing mechanisms for checks and balances is essential particularly in the era of democratization and decentralization of power. That is much so in controlling the increased level of public official crimes among local governments.
Results from the analyses suggest that public official crimes increased dramatically during the first or second year after new presidents were elected. In particular, it was during Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung administrations that showed an explosion of official crime rates among public officials, which is comparable to a substantially lower rate of crime during Roh Moo-hyun and other administrations in the 1980s. On the other hand, statistics for disciplinary actions against public officials were disproportionately higher during Park Chung-hee administration in the 1970s than other eras.
A comparison of crime rates between central and local governments revealed that crime rates of local government officials are generally higher than those of central government. One important finding is that crime rates of central government officials increased dramatically during the Kim Young-sam administration in the early 1990s whereas the late 1990s witnessed an explosion of crime rates among local government officials. This trend suggests that the severe punishment of public official crimes targeted central government officials during the early stage of anti-corruption campaign in the early 1990's and the increase of local government's autonomy and power due to the development of localization process resulted an increased level of crime opportunities and thereby crime rates among local government officials in the late 1990s.
Public official crime rates by ranks were also found very different between central and local governments. Among public officials in the central government, lower rank officials tend to commit more crimes, while a disproportionately higher crime rates were found among mid-rank local government officials. In a nutshell, central government officials are less likely to be crime-prone than local government officials.
Policy implications of the findings are suggested. If official crime statistics reflect the discretionary power of power elites and criminal justice authorities, that may imply dangers of abuse of the criminal justice system. This may be considered as a form of political corruption. It is suggested that an effective way of systemizing and mobilizing mechanisms for checks and balances is essential particularly in the era of democratization and decentralization of power. That is much so in controlling the increased level of public official crimes among local governments.
목차
국문요약
제1장 서론
제2장 공무원범죄에 관한 서설
제3장 공무원범죄의 추이
제4장 공무원범죄의 통제방안
제5장 결론
참고문헌
영문요약
[부록]
[연구자 약력]
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2012-364-003949857